Dream Deferred Essay Contest: 2006 Mideast Winners

First Place ($2,000 prize): Tarek Shahin, age 23
Egyptian Apostate Refuses Asylum in the United States

Shahin’s mock news story examines the stark fact that “apostasy is punishable by death under Shariaa (Islamic law).” While addressing one of the most sensitive civil rights taboos in the Middle East, the essay’s factual reportage nonetheless lets readers draw their own conclusions. The sobering result identifies serious obstacles before dissidents, the audacity they will have to summon to make progress, and the need for outside support. Still, difficult questions linger: Who will actually support the cartoonist’s right to free speech? Can he survive even a day without police protection? And will the regime ever allow his views to be aired openly on TV?

(Note: This essay was later published in the Moroccan weekly magazine Tel Quel.)

Breaking News: Egyptian Apostate Refuses Asylum in the United States

Reuters
31 March 2010

CAIRO, 31 March 2010 (Reuters) -- The Egyptian man who publicly denounced Islam and whose life has been threatened by Islamic clerics has refused asylum granted by the United States, a representative of the United Nations Human Rights Commissioner said on Wednesday.
 
US President Hillary Clinton had earlier announced the US would grant asylum to Omar Shukri, a 28-year-old Muslim-born editorial cartoonist, who declared his agnosticism on Egyptian state television during an interview last week.
 
Apostasy is punishable by death under Shariaa (Islamic law).
 
Hundreds of thousands of protestors had gathered on a main road in the Egyptian suburb of Nasr City since the cartoonist made his revelation last week, as Islamic clerics made clear calls for the Muslim youth to seek Shukri out and kill him.

A representative of the United Nations Human Rights Commission, which has called for Shukri’s right to free speech and free religion and sought asylum for him in the US, read a statement by Shukri to reporters outside his Cairo home, which Egyptian security forces have been guarding against protestors since Friday morning.
 
“I would like to extend my sincere thanks to the United States government for offering to protect my life and civil liberty. It is with great risk to my own life that I am turning down this asylum grant for I do not wish to live in a world in which one must seek liberty away from home. I will have accomplished nothing. I believe in the Egyptian soul, and I will walk tall in the city of Cairo.”

Shukri has not left his home since Thursday. His family could not be reached for comment but are believed to be at home with him.
 
A statement issued by the White House after Shukri’s public refusal read: “We regret to hear Omar Shukri has declined our grant for asylum. We assure him that the United States was built by millions of those who sought liberty away from suppressive societies. We will, however, work closely with the Egyptian government to ensure Mr Shukri’s safety against any forms of terror or persecution.”

The Egyptian Muslim-born graduate of the American University in Cairo (AUC), who had gained modest fame as a cartoonist with works published in some of Egypt’s leading Arabic and English newspapers and magazines, had sparked the controversy during a regular interview on a popular teen-themed variety show on Egyptian-state television last Thursday.
 
As the interviewer discussed Shukri’s latest endeavor into comic books, Shukri made an impromptu announcement that he is agnostic and did not believe in a heaven and hell.
 
“You know, I was just reading about something called apostasy. A Muslim should die if he does not believe Islam is the right religion. How is that just? I was born a Muslim but when I grew up, I found the whole story hard to believe. I’m agnostic. How is that punishable by death?”
 
The interview immediately cut to a commercial break and was not resumed.
 
The announcement made the front pages of local newspapers in Egypt and across the Middle East on the day following the interview. The Egyptian interior ministry issued a statement calling for the nation’s citizens to uphold its majority religion (Islam) and respect its culture but made no direct reference to Shukri or the interview. Egyptian law is a sometimes ambiguous blend of Shariaa and French law. Though many public Egyptian figures had been accused of apostasy in the past, none have been prosecuted for the ‘crime’ per se nor has anyone been executed for it.
 
However, in 1995, an Egyptian court ruled university professor Nasser Abou Zeid an apostate and by virtue of the ruling he was forced to divorce his wife under Islamic law. Abou Zeid remains in self-exile in Europe. A year earlier, Egyptian Nobel Laureate Naguib Mahfouz was stabbed in the neck and severely injured by a young man who had been made to believe Mahfouz was an apostate on account of a thematic novel he had once written.
 
The Saudi government issued a statement last week saying apostates should have no place in the world. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad called for Shukri’s death, echoing a similar call made decades ago by Ayatollah Khomeini regarding British writer Salman Rushdie.

British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Brosnan, said in a press conference that he was “sick and tired of having to endure calls for the murder of innocent civilians guilty of nothing more than expressing their right to liberty.” In reaction to Shukri’s refusal to accept asylum, Mr Brosnan said, “I admire this young man’s bravery and his faith in his homeland but I call for him to consider his own life and safety for there would be no shame in that. Should he insist on remaining in Cairo, I call upon the Egyptian government and people to make this a turning point in the region's move towards honoring civil liberties."

Mohamed Khalil, 24, who has been protesting in front of Shukri’s house for days, said the refusal does not make him a hero. “He deserves to die. It’s God’s will and the will of his Prophet,” Khalil said.

Two other prostestors, however, said they will go home as they felt inspired by Shukri’s courage. “Yesterday I called for his death,” said Magda Ali, 19, “Today I call for his civil liberty and freedom of thought. He is just as passionate about his views as I am about Islam. We are both good people.”

Nada Fawzi, a correspondent for the Associated Press and a longtime friend of Shukri’s, told Reuters on the phone from Paris that she fears for Shukri’s life after his decision to remain in Cairo amidst calls for his death but that she would have done the same.

News of Shukri’s determination to stay free at home has also sparked international support. Competitors in the Australian Open gathered on the tennis court before yesterday’s game and repeatedly banged their tennis rackets on the ground to protest Shukri’s religious persecution.

The US show Entertainment Tonight quoted the spokesperson for Academy Award nominatee Angelina Jolie as saying the actress plans to wear a T-shirt with the words “Omar Shukri Is Free. Omar Shukri Is Home” during her scheduled Wednesday appearance on The Tonight Show With Conan O’Brien.

The United States grants asylum every year to thousands of refugees and political and religious asylum seekers. Shukri will be the first to opt for sanctuary in the very country whose people have made clear threats to his life and identity.

 

Second Place ($1,500 prize): M. Salem, age 24
Denied to Protest against Terrorism: A True Story

This essay pulls no punches in exposing the pain and internal contradictions spawned by civil rights repression: Government restriction of basic liberties, coupled with scapegoating propaganda in regime-controlled media, has generated intense misplaced anger in contemporary Middle Eastern societies. Salem’s firsthand account of a grassroots anti-terror rally shut down by police also reveals how dictators and the Islamist opposition effectively suppress the free expression essential to civil society. Still, support from motorists driving by the rally reveals a potential that could be unleashed for positive change.

It is no secret to anyone that Egypt is a police-state, where freedom of speech and expression are non-existent as rights. There are certain topics and points of view that are not allowed to be expressed publicly, if at all. Needless to say, this makes any debate severely one-sided and hinders any sort of mental or creative development or change of opinions for that matter. None so essential these days as the right to protest Islamic extremism or terrorism, which – based on my own personal experience and to my surprise – I have come to discover that the Egyptian government opposes.

It was always bewildering to me how much support there was for Osama Bin Laden or Zarqawi on the Egyptian street, coupled with extreme anti-American sentiment. This was also a great source of shame to me as it culminated in seeing Egyptians dancing on the street the day 9/11 happened. It blew my mind that the people would be so happy that thousands of Americans were killed, or that so many would be supporting Saddam Hussein, when his atrocities were so well known. However, watching Egyptian TV channels and media, one could get a few clues to why that is: The theme that was presented was pretty much ‘Anti-America: 24/7,’ which by default meant sympathizing, and in some cases championing, those who opposed the U.S., even if those were despicable tyrants or murderous terrorists.

This, as I have come to find out and believe, was no accident at all, but more of an unofficial state policy. Attack the U.S. 24/7, get the people to focus their hate and aggression on Americans, and they won’t hate us (i.e., the oppressive government) as much. This is why the Egyptian media almost never calls terrorists “terrorists,” but chooses an array of other descriptions that range from “resistance fighter” to “mujahed”, and when they get killed or blow themselves up, they are always called “martyrs.” It is also why the only demonstrations that the Egyptian government allows and approves are anti-U.S. demonstrations, which it later uses as visual evidence to the U.S. of “why it’s important to support their regime” and turn a blind eye to its oppressive methods, otherwise the “We want the USA dead” crowd would take over, and no one wants that, right?

Interestingly, if you go to the same guy shouting death to America and inform him that you could get him a green card to the U.S., he would very quickly throw his sign on the ground, praise you for being such a great person, and will tell you how much he needs to go there to make money. After witnessing that phenomenon a couple of times personally, I have come to conclude that the majority of Egyptians who join those protests and shout their lungs out in them do so not out of U.S. hate, but because it is the only chance they get to vent their anger and frustration. Those people are so oppressed and denied any outlet to their frustrations that they will take whatever they can get, and will often find themselves taking positions that they may not be convinced of, or wouldn’t like to take, if given a chance. This is true to almost all Egyptians, even ones in the police, as my experience of staging an anti-terrorism protest has shown me.

When the Sharm El Sheikh attacks happened last July in Egypt, I was so outraged that I and a group of other young Egyptians took the initiative to start an anti-terrorism protest in Cairo. Our message was clear: to tell those peddlers of death, who aim to destroy our way of life and are using Islam as a cover for their disgusting evil murderous actions that we are not afraid of them. That what is happening is not happening in our name, or in the name of Islam, and to show the world that we are not like those people, that our religion is not a religion that glorifies death, that such actions disgust and repulse us too. We agreed that the best location to convey our message to the world would be on the 6th of October Bridge at rush hour, and that is what we did.

We chose a spot that has the Nile in the backdrop, and started holding the banners in the view of the incoming and outgoing traffic. The people’s response exhilarating and affirming in its consistency: astonished at first that something like this was happening and then showing their support by either honking or giving us the thumbs up. The common Egyptian shared our sentiment and our disgust with terrorists. The people were with us, just as I knew they would be. And then the Egyptian police showed up.

The police came and asked us what we were doing and if we could go. We explained to him that we were protesting against terrorism, not against the regime. The policeman told us he was actually happy that we were doing this, but he has his orders from the officer at the middle of the bridge, and he didn't want us on his territory. Not wanting any trouble, we agreed to get off the bridge and move to another location, where the story repeated itself again, this time with 2 officers and 2 soldiers.

They asked us to leave the area and stop our rally, even though they thanked us for doing it and told us that they were with us in heart. The problem, as one of them told me, was that they have been on high alert ever since the bombings and it seems that someone reported us. Now the police honchos intended to send cars to arrest us all, and that’s something they didn’t want happening. I could sense the guy was sincere and really didn’t want to do this, and I could hear the buzz of the guy's walkie-talkie, with the police general on the other side, inquiring about the situation and wondering if any riots erupted yet. The police officer assured him that it was all under control, and then asked us to leave again, informing us that he would have to arrest us if we did not go.

Needless to say, at this point I was starting to lose my temper, and responded angrily: "So this is our reward from you guys for standing up against what happened? We are actually doing this for this country. Because we are disgusted by what happened. And that's how we are treated? We are sorry for condemning those terrorists and standing against them then!" The first officer looked really torn and dismayed and the other one responded: "Look, God knows we are with you and share what you believe and think. And if it were up to us we would let you guys stay. What you are doing is a wonderful thing and God knows we are not against you. We lost friends and colleagues in those bombings. But it's the higher-ups. They don’t care what you stand for. They just want to assure that no ‘hassles’ occur in their zones."

And that was that! We dispersed awhile after that, leaving me conflicted about my anger at the police for stopping our peaceful protest and how sorry I felt for them for having to do something they so clearly opposed, but were ordered to do by the higher-ups. The people in power were so afraid of any form of spontaneous protests, that they would even prevent those that were in their favor or best interest to have. But then again, I wasn’t really surprised, because it wasn’t an anti-U.S. protest after all.

After that day, I looked at statistics that the majority of Egyptians support Bin Laden and Zarqawi and wondered: How many had a dissenting thought or opinion but were forced to dismiss it? How many of them knew deep down that there was a connection between those terrorist acts and the growing anti-Muslim sentiment the world over, but said nothing out of fear of being criticized by his Bin Laden-approving peers? How many Egyptian journalists look at the atrocities committed by the mujahedeen against the Iraqi people and hold their nose as they are forced due to editorial policy to describe them as “martyrs”? And how many wanted to walk into a protest that condemns terrorism and scream his heart out against those killers and never got the chance to, because he was afraid of the police arresting him?

I guess we will never know for certain, but I have a nagging feeling that there are more than we could possibly imagine.

 

Third Place ($500 prize): Roba Assi, age 20
-Pause-

A compelling collage featuring snippets of Langston Hughes’s poetry and snapshots of a young woman’s tribulations advocating for basic equality and free expression. When challenged to accept her limited role in society, Assi responds with a simple but profound truth about individual rights: “I have formed my own political and economic opinions, and I believe that they should be respected.” While lamenting the obstacles before her, Assi defines her struggle as laying a solid groundwork for the next generation and expresses confidence that her dream, rather than collapse, will burst forth.

- Play -
Amman, Jordan
March, 2006

(What happens to a dream deferred?)

Being all a feminist, a classical liberal, and a Muslim Arab woman, I know I am amongst a minority.

This fact shines bright in the faces of those around me. It scratches itself against my ears in my everyday conversations with friends, loved ones, and cab drivers. It is visualized in the graffiti covering the walls of my beloved city, embodied in orange spray-paint uttering statements that shy away from our own faults as a society, as a religion, and as an Arab nation.

(Does it dry up like a raisin in the sun?)

Why, they ask, aren't you satisfied with the fact that you can drive and work wherever you want although you are a woman? Why, they demand, can't you just accept the law of God without trying to speak out against that which is divine? Why, they wonder, don't you know that by classifying yourself as a liberal, you are only helping accomplish the Western agenda against the Muslim nations?

(Or fester like a sore-- And then run?)

My mind rushes to answer these questions; because women’s representation in Arab parliaments does not exceed a blushing 6%. Because I do not have the right to speak my mind about all issues. Because as a woman, I am not equal to men in the eyes of law and society. Because every day, I see how tribal law still wins over civil law. Because I have formed my own political and economic opinions, and I believe that they should be respected.

(Does it stink like rotten meat?)

My mind rushes to answer these questions, but most of the time, my lips stay sealed. I do not live at a place – nor a time – where I can speak my mind without worrying. The saddest part? I stay quiet not out of fear of regimes and rule, but rather, out of fear of convictions, society, and ignorant mentalities.

(Or crust and sugar over-- like a syrupy sweet?)

A few weeks ago, a professor of mine asked the class if anyone was aware of the cartoon incident that has been keeping this area of the world quite busy. Most of the students raised their hands, but upon further inquiry, it was settled that none had actually seen the cartoons or knew the exact details, because it was deemed heretical and punishable by law to publish the cartoons in local newspapers. So the professor started telling the students the details of the cartoons – the details according to him, very subjectively. I, already angered by the Muslim reactions to the cartoons, spoke up in disagreement about both the details and his opinion.
 
 (Maybe it just sags like a heavy load.)

… I was asked to leave the class.


- Forward -
Amman, Jordan
July, 2029

I look at my daughter and I smile. I see a little of myself in her – I see the revolution, I see the zeal, I see the need to attaining perfection.

Yet, that's not why I smile – I smile because these traits are being poured into battles that I did not get the chance to fight, she is fighting the battles that I was fighting to fight. How funny that sounds!

As a child, I was asked to stay hush about issues pertaining to tribalism and conviction, because these issues were surrounded by a series of "givens" which no one could control. Once, my mother refused to talk to me for a day because I "failed" to appreciate the simple fact that while I was asking for trivial rights such as a woman's entitlement to receive an equal inheritance, other women in the Arab world did not even have the right to vote. During my third year at Jordan University, I was asked to leave a class because my opinion about a certain religious issue didn't conform to the opinion of the majority of the people around me.

Somewhere along, I realized that we are taught that individuals are impotent, unable to influence society. I realized that in order to motivate a much needed change, we must start talking about society, criticizing it, and asking for what every human has the right to have. I realized that my voice must be heard.

Today, my daughter stands straight, an important member in a secular society not dominated by a specific agenda, gender or creed. Her head is high as she speaks about issues in regards to social, political, and religious reform.

I am proud of her, but I am also proud of the audience. It took time, it took sacrifice, and it took hard work, but today, just looking at the audience, I smile because I was fortunate enough to see the day when the dream exploded. Not exploded in the sense that it collapsed – rather, the dream erupted, then it shone!

Today, the part of the world that I hail from has finally realized the dream; my dream, the dream of many before me, the dream of many after me. This dream is of acceptance, the acceptance of ideas; where leaders and citizens make arguments, listen, exchange ideas and change their minds.

Of course, we still have a long way to go, for after all, achieving civil rights and societal equality is a long, uphill battle. But for now, I'm smiling over the work that has been done and hope for an even bigger smile tomorrow. We must continue to fight, so that we move forward – together.

(Or does it explode?)

 

Third Place ($500 prize): M. El Dahshan, age 22
Just Another Day in 2010

El Dahshan invites readers to share his hopeful vision of an imperfect yet burgeoning free society. His essay discusses the basic reforms required for a new civic dynamism: essential rights of self-expression, government accountability, and respect for the political economy of freedom. A walking tour illustrates the tangible impact such changes could have, as the author browses a newspaper article on government corruption and passes by a student rally. In a moment of optimism, despite the odds, the author concludes by responding to Langston Hughes with a poem of his own about a dream ripened and spread via a “Zephyr’s breath” wind from the west.
 

As I drank my morning coffee, I noticed I was running a little late. I burned my tongue swallowing the hot beverage, and at my feeble expression of agony, my wife (yes, we got married last year!) laughs at me – "Again?"

I'm late for work, I guess I'll have to take my car, the bus takes too long in the morning traffic. I bought this car a little while ago, now that the GATT's provisions are finally applied and the government no longer uses every protectionist gimmick in the book to avoid liberalising trade. Free trade and competition are by default beneficial for consumers, freeing us from the despotic monopoly of state-owned enterprises overcharging for goods and services of mediocre quality. I can even see it in my phone bill, in my grocery shopping, but less so in my wife's still pricey new Italian shoes!

Economic freedom is a blessing. Heavy-handed government intervention is a real mistake: it only leads to inefficiencies, never offset by any gains that the Treasury might acquire in tax revenues.

But economic freedom is not a panacea, and its effects may be aborted by the absence of political freedom and the lack of institutional reforms. It is therefore up to us, informed citizens, to monitor the government's activities, and to ensure that it abides by the international regulations and by the agreements it has signed, and to undertake the reforms it has promised, but has not honoured its word.

I stopped to buy some newspapers. Did I mention that freedom of press is now a constitutional right? We are now free to found newspapers and to express our opinions, and even the most dissident voices are now free to express their thoughts. And just as we expected, the citizens were fully capable of operating a perfect selection, discarding the most extremist voices – the government's favourite excuse to muzzle dissidents! – and giving its attention only to the ongoing political debates between different political ideas.

We have achieved partial political freedom, too. Party creation is no longer regulated by the government - quite about time, since all requests for founding a party have been rejected in the past two decades. It isn't yet what we wish for: political transition still seems like a dream, but the dream is getting closer every day.

My car gets stuck in a traffic jam near Liberation square: it's a demonstration organised by the students of the National University. I smile at the sight of the students walking in order and silence, under the protection of the police which helps regulate the traffic. A little bruise on my left shoulder, left by a blind blow from an ignorant soldier reminds me of the times when we walked to protest the government's nonchalance towards the lives of its citizens, after a series of man-made disasters where the carelessness of the authorities was only surpassed by their incompetence in dealing with the crises.

Was it so long ago? No, it was not. Less than ten years were enough for us to operate such a change. The government is now held accountable for its actions. What a change! But it is just the beginning.

I take advantage of the traffic jam to start browsing the newspapers I bought. There is an interest article about the former corrupt Minister of housing. He now lies in jail for massive fraud. I cannot say I feel sorry for him! We wished for that to happen for a long time, but the man has always been a protégé of 'higher powers' and was therefore untouchable. But he was successfully brought to trial a few months ago. Isn't it ironic... that the man who embezzled funds allocated to the construction of low cost housing - construction which, needless to say, never took place - now lives in a 24 meters square cell! There is justice in this world after all. It just took us a while to realize that justice does not fall from the top, it stems from the heart of society, and those who do not seek their justice shall not obtain it. We learned that, among many other lessons, the hard way.

I quickly flip the pages to the column of my friend Ingy. Ingy is a fantastic journalist, fearless and bold; caustic and critical, yet honest. She now writes in a newspaper that she helped establish four years ago - 2006 was a great year for the press! She is now in charge of the local politics section, and writes a daily column in which she exposes the government's misbehaviour. Today's article criticises the prime minister who is suspected of illegally awarding a number of contracts to a foreign company after having received large kickbacks. She calls for larger transparency in the government budget allocation.  I fully agree with her, the budget needs to be overseen by the parliament and, if need arises, by an independent court of auditors.

Isn't it an obvious requirement, that governments must be monitored? Well, for a long time, it was not that obvious here. And the day we realised that, we were incapable of implementing it or even formulating such a request. But today, we have taken giant steps towards achieving full monitoring of the government activities.

Not long ago, Ingy received threats for criticising the minister of Interior. While, thankfully, nothing ensued from those threats, the situation proved that there is still much to be done in order to ensure our civil rights.

I finally reached my office – this traffic is crazy! We should do something about that! Unfortunately, the policies of the government have failed to encourage the urban population to move to the suburbs and towns surrounding the metropolis, because of the immense concentration of power and of government services within the city, and the lack of infrastructure in those small towns that burgeoned in the desert.

A critical level of decentralisation needs to be achieved before we can attempt to convince people to relocate their lives to another town; transport infrastructure needs to be put in place to ensure their freedom of movement; all services, including schools and hospitals need to be provided by their new residencies.

The government has traditionally been wary of going the decentralisation road, because a less centralised power entails the emergence of other political actors: local representatives, governors, a whole new class of active and accountable politicians which will be claim real power from the government in order to answer the demands of their constituencies.

That is part of my responsibilities at work. I can read in your eyes stark disbelief. Yes, I work for the government, now. Does it sound odd, for someone who had such high hopes for my country like myself?

When I first came home from the United States, I had big, big dreams – and I wanted to see them all happen at once.

But life has taught me that this is not the way things work, and that everything comes to those who wait. Change does not occur suddenly: rather, it is by diligent work and continuous effort that every dream can turn into a reality. Dreams do come true, mountains can move. No matter how long one has to wait, with perseverance, a strong will and dedicated work, we can move this mountain! But the task is not easy. And there will be times when, with the dream seeming further and further away, that we will want to give up, to keep the dream tucked away in our imagination, and to lack the courage of materialising it.

It will be hard to motivate myself sometimes, I am aware, when I will feel that I am swimming against the current, when I feel that my efforts are feeble and meaningless. But I remember that my work is operating towards the freedom of my country and the rights of my fellow citizens. And this is what keeps me going everyday, is what gets me out of bed every morning.

It is often from the inside that one can have the biggest impact, I know this now. A drastic, overnight change can trigger unexpected reactions and can backfire in the worse results.

Things have changed in my country in the last few years. Women have claimed and obtained a larger role in society, though still less that than the equitable share that accrues to them. Furthermore, our minister of foreign affairs is a lady – whom I greatly admire and trust to put our foreign policy back on track.

Interestingly enough, our foreign policy is becoming more consistent. We have achieved a considerable rapprochement with our principal allies, and are now consolidating our regional relationships with our neighbours, including those we have shunned for so long: real politics and economic advantages are finally insufflating reason into archaic ideologies. We are regaining our natural leadership position in the region, which has been tarnished by the foolish actions of the old governments.

Things are changing. Slowly, but surely. I've matured, and so has my country: we are both ready for change. I never gave up my dreams: instead, I decided to rise to their level, so close that I can reach out and touch them, pick them like ripe fruits. I know that, someday soon, I will. It will take a lot of efforts. It will take people like my friend Ingy, people like those students marching to protest the government's actions and, I hope, people like myself. Dreams do come true, no matter how long we wait for them. And this will come from a citizen-based action that will impose reform and will establish freedom and civil rights as a way of life.

It's just another day in my town in 2010.

--------------------------

This is my attempt to reply to Langston Hughes' piece that inspired this essay contest.

Langston Hughes got it all wrong...

"What happens to a dream deferred:

It will tan in the sun
It won't dry, it won't die;
Like the skin of the peasants
Working on a summer solstice,
It will grow dark, little rough,
Stronger than the elements
 It will smell like the breeze
And the orange blossom

And a beautiful morning
It will bloom, proud
Shinier than the Sun
And Zephyr's breath
Will carry its scent
A scent well known,
A scent long missed
It will drown
The foulness of tyranny
The hand of the despot
Will not harm again
For freedom, today, is mine."

 

Third Place ($500 prize): Taha Belal, age 22
Parallels between Art and Society

This elegantly written exposé explores how artistic censorship reflects larger civil rights restrictions that hinder social development and human potential. By taking readers inside Middle Eastern art galleries and exhibitions, Belal demonstrates concrete manifestations of repression in a field that cannot thrive without free thought. The essay provides an unusual and compelling argument for the importance of critical thinking and open inquiry.
 

Recently the world caught a glimpse of the global battle for individual rights in the events that followed several European newspapers publishing controversial cartoons of the Prophet Mohamed. Protests throughout the Muslim world erupted, flags were burnt and embassies were attacked. The European newspapers stood firm in defiance stating that the publication of the cartoons was their right to the freedom of speech. Many Muslims, however, saw it as blasphemy and an insult to Islam. The events that transpired as a result of the cartoons reflect the heated nature and differences in values that the world must face when dealing with individual rights. In a world of increasing globalization, where the interaction of different cultures and ethnic groups continues to rise, individual rights have become more important than ever. Everyday in instances throughout the world, both noticed and unnoticed by the public media, it is clear that individual rights continue to be overlooked and disregarded.

The Middle East is an area with a blemished individual rights record and one that is still a far cry from much of the developed world. Individual rights remain one of the biggest stumbling blocks to the development of the region. A variety of forms of expression, ranging from sexual to religious, have all been oppressed. It is high time for drastic change: the Middle East desperately needs to free itself from the shackles of stagnation and finally begin its ascent to become a part of the world that is recognized as truly free. It can become an area that once again attracts a variety of intellectuals and thinkers, stimulates creative growth and provides a culturally rich environment for the development and progress of society.

As an artist, born and raised in Cairo, Egypt, the lack of individual rights and the block of creative development that results is of particular importance to me. It was only when I began to study in the United States and experienced the differences in culture first-hand that I realized I needed to understand more about myself and the many facets of identity. As an art student granted free reign to explore, my artwork touched on a variety of identity issues such as politics, language and culture; much of my work also referenced sensitive and taboo subjects such as sexuality and religion.
 
After completing my undergraduate degree in fine arts in the United States, I returned home to Cairo. Wearily accepting that it would be difficult to exhibit in Egypt due to the nature of some of my work, I nonetheless decided to research exhibition opportunities. Previously, I had seen several exhibitions at a gallery (one of the few exhibition areas independent of the government) dedicated to showing contemporary artwork and decided to get in touch with the director. After showing the director my portfolio, he informed me that although some of the work could potentially be shown and would probably narrowly escape the scrutiny of government officials, the others were simply impossible to display. To prove his point, the director cited an instance where the gallery had been forced to close an exhibition that was seen as blasphemous by the government; even after the gallery won a court case, the artwork remained confiscated. I was also secretly shown an exhibition catalog hidden away in one of the director’s drawers. It was the work of a Lebanese artist who had previously exhibited at the gallery many times, but with this particular work that was commenting on Islam, it could only be shown abroad with no publicity in Cairo.

I was quickly brought to my senses and grounded realizing that it was still a dire situation for artists in Egypt. After spending the majority of the previous four years abroad as an art student, it was easy to forget the censorship issues at home. Later that summer, I showed a friend of mine working in Cairo some of my most recent work. His response was the same; I could forget about exhibiting the work in Egypt, and he also mentioned that it would be a good idea not to show the work to anyone else. I was left frustrated, helpless and able to relate to an artist quoted in Douglas Kennedy’s book Beyond the Pyramids, which is banned in Egypt.  The artist states that although one is able to make what he or she wants within a small community, the “problem is that, in Egypt, you make what you want inside a cage” (Kennedy 33).

It became clear to me that the impact of this creative block due to the lack of individual rights was destroying the possibility of any prominent or high level art developing in Egypt. All the art that I had seen was mundane, uninteresting and hardly anything that would provoke thought. In exhibitions such as the annual Youth Salon, allegedly showcasing some of Egypt’s finest young and emerging artists, I found that the art floated around similar ideas that at best flirted with boundaries but never comes close to breaking through or going over the edge. I did not see how anything shown could possibly jolt one into critical thought processes.

Even the grand 9th Cairo Biennale which called itself the “largest international exhibition in the Arab world” was described by Lilly Wei, a writer for Art in America, as an opportunity wasted on “dated, uninspired, provincial work with almost nothing that stood out” (1). It was the same at the recently re-inaugurated Museum of Modern Art in Cairo, where most of the work never strayed from traditional landscapes or tame abstract works and failed to feed my desire for thought, reflection and inquiry.

These mechanisms and policies have starved Middle Eastern society of artists’ voices by keeping them away. Whether by force or by choice, well-established artists such as Shirin Neshat from Iran and Ghada Amer from Egypt currently live abroad. Both are critically engaged with prominent Middle Eastern cultural issues such as gender inequality in Islam. I fear that my voice and ideas will also be kept away.

As an artist, I learned and believe that asking questions is a crucial aspect of art. Whether the questions are about art itself or about society, art must ask people to think. Art and those affected by it are only able to develop and progress through constant dialogue, exchange and critical thinking. As a result, it is not at a standstill but continues to push and redefine its edges. Currently, however, art is being prevented from achieving its goals and purpose of keeping society “in a state of intellectual inertia, thereby guaranteeing the perpetuation of the status quo” (Heggy). Although the censorship of art is only part of the greater problem that societies in the Middle East face today, it is nonetheless a clear reflection of the broader perspective.

As with art, how can society develop and progress in an environment where individual rights are readily infringed upon, where the slightest criticism or questioning is done away with, and boundaries and limits are set to control those who attempt to break through? It is impossible for a society to move forward without looking back upon itself critically while simultaneously encouraging and accepting creative solutions to its problems.

Works Cited:
Heggy, Tarek. “Islam between copying and thinking.” Tarek Heggy. 28 March 2006.
Kennedy, Douglas. Beyond the Pyramids Travels in Egypt. Great Britain: Unwin Hyman, 1988
Wei, Lilly. The Cairo effect: during the 9th Cairo Biennale a striking contrast prevailed between the staid official event and several livelier satellite exhibitions. Art in America. May 2004: 1. Find Articles. 28 March 2006.

 

 
 
ESSAY CONTEST INFO
 
 

Deadline
January 9, 2009
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