First Place ($2,000 prize): Mohammed Halawi, age 22
Freedom in the Middle East: A Strategic and Moral U.S. Imperative

Halawi argues that Americans must be engaged in the struggle for civil rights in the Middle East. He warns about the danger of abandoning indigenous reformers, and argues that those who value individual liberty – and global security – cannot watch from the sidelines as a showdown between oppressive regimes and a “reform generation” unfolds. Halawi exhorts Americans to utilize non-violent strategies to confront repression and provide vital assistance to civil liberties advocates. The imperative to support the region’s nascent civil rights movement is both moral and strategic, Halawi affirms, and the result will benefit both Middle Easterners and Americans. The fact that Halawi himself faced repression in his native Lebanon for speaking out on civil rights issues makes his call all the more heartfelt.
 

Second Place ($1,500 prize): Sarah Swick, age 24
Modest Beginning for Global Student Movement

Swick’s dream deferred hones in on Muslim-Americans’ unique potential to promote civil rights for all in the Middle East. Instead of Wahhabi extremists exporting their repressive ideology to US mosques, Swick envisions Muslim-Americans leveraging their freedom in America to act as a natural bridge to the region. The depiction of Muslim-American students standing up for women’s equality and minority rights in Saudi Arabia is particularly poignant. Swick’s ending disclaimer issues a challenge: What is stopping this dream from becoming a reality today?
 

Modest Beginning for a Global Student Movement

Washington Post
April 12, 2010

CAIRO, EGYPT - Tired of oppression and misrepresentation, four years ago Muslim students in America joined together to ignite change. At first their plan was modest: educate their fellow American Muslims about the importance of civil liberties. At the same time, other Muslim Student Associations (MSA) began a pen-pal program with students in the Muslim World. Two years later these programs merged to form the Muslim Student Alliance for Justice.

The first program began with the sole mission of teaching civil liberties in Washington, D.C.-area mosques. Muslim students from local universities taught the courses using a practical and interactive methodology. Course topics included freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of religion, the right to due process under the law, and minority rights. The students received help in developing the curriculum from several local think tanks, including the Minaret of Freedom Institute and the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy.

While the program’s original aim was to educate immigrant Muslims, the students quickly realized the need for civil liberties education was much greater and the possible influence of the program more significant. The Muslims attending the courses were taught civil rights under U.S. law, however, program organizers noticed that these Muslims were making a connection between American civil liberties and the oppression in their native countries. These immigrant Muslims took the information they were taught and passed it on to their friends and families back home. This led the MSA students to think of ways their knowledge and training in civil rights could help those in the Muslim World.

During this same period, MSAs in New York began a pen-pal program with students in the Muslim World via the Internet. Again, their aim was important but also modest. The students hoped to share with their peers in the Muslim World the vitality and depth of American Muslim culture. In a time when tensions were dangerously high between America and Muslims, the MSAs wanted to show the compatibility of American values with Islam and how Muslim can thrive in America. This pen-pal program paired a university in the Muslim world with an American university. They established blogs and chatrooms that allowed students to share aspects of their daily lives, photos, and ideas.

“It started as just a fun way to meet and share with other Muslims our age, but we soon realized that they needed more from us. They started asking about freedoms, rights, etc,” says Khadija Alam, a NYU sophomore. So, the Muslim Student Associations in New York reached out to the MSAs in Washington, and a movement was born.

Using the combined techniques and tools of both MSA programs, the Muslim Student Alliance for Justice began online classes on civil rights. Mohammed El Khatim, an Egyptian student describes one reason for the popularity of these courses, “Because the classes were taught by other young people they were engaging and dynamic. We weren’t afraid to ask questions and debate controversial topics.” The financial costs of these free online courses were supported by several American civil rights organizations. The courses followed a similar curriculum as the domestic civil rights education program, but towards the end of the first semester an addition was made.

“We noticed on the discussion boards for the classes that students in the Middle East wanted to learn tangible ways of using their new knowledge to create change. So, we added a few classes on ways to peacefully protest injustice,” says Fatima Said, a founding member of the program. Using the model of the American Civil Rights Movement, practical courses were given on non-violent means to achieve change, such as how to organize a protest and how to react peacefully to police brutality. “We learned about the methods of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee and the message of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., It inspired us and gave us hope that change can happen and justice can be achieved,” a Syrian student said.

During the past year, young people across the Middle East have gathered for sit-ins and marched in protests under the simple slogan, “Equal Justice and Rights for All.” The movement has adopted the color green and the word “Justice” in Arabic written in a geometric fashion as its symbols. “We chose green because it is the color of Islam, but also because it symbolizes rebirth,” says Youssef Ahmad, Secretary General of the Muslim Student Alliance for Justice. “We hope this movement will bring justice and ensure rights for everyone – Muslim and non-Muslim, Arab and non-Arab.”

Despite government attempts to shut down the classes, discussion boards and the movement as a whole, the students have found a way to persevere. This movement has given a voice to young Muslims who are tired of government oppression but who also do not agree with the ideology and methods of Islamic extremists. “There are a lot of us caught in the middle,” says one young Syrian. “We finally have the knowledge and the ability to join together for peaceful and concrete change.”

The road for these student protestors has not always been easy -- some have faced water cannons and tear gas – but their spirits remain high. “Our fellow students in America continue to give us great hope. They continue to help us through online education programs and keeping the movement connected,” says one student protester in Kuwait. Indeed, the American students serve an essential role beyond education: they create chatrooms where Middle Eastern students can meet in an attempt to get around strict limitations on the freedom of assembly and they lobby the U.S. government to pressure their counterparts in the Middle East to enact reform.

“It’s really a win/win situation,” describes Bilal Abdullah, a student at George Washington University. “We are helping our fellow Muslims in the Middle East, but by educating ourselves about rights we have also become more active in American society and our voices are finally being heard.” In the Middle East, the movement’s message and popularity is also being heard and it is already achieving real results.

In Iran and Syria, protests and sit-ins demanding more minority rights have forced the governments of those nations to announce reform measures that would protect ethnic and religious minorities. In the Arabian Gulf, students have staged boycotts and sit-ins demanding more freedom of expression and rights for guest workers. And in Saudi Arabia, students have staged a sit-in at the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina demanding equitable rights for women. And following the lessons taught to them by the American students, young people across the Middle East have started ‘Freedom Rides,’ transporting students to different cities so that they can join the protests.

“Its amazing how such a modest beginning has led to a social revolution!” says Khadija Alam, the student from NYU. When asked why he felt that American Muslim students were able to ignite a movement from across the World, Yahya Younes, President of the Georgetown University’s Muslim Student Association answered, “We can relate, we have similar values, and some of us even have family connections to the region. So we’re not seen as complete outsiders – we’re partners, they’re our brothers and sisters.” The struggle for civil rights and true freedom in the Middle East continues, but, as the story of the Muslim Student Alliance for Justice shows, out of modest beginnings great changes can be born.

Disclaimer: This article is not based on actual events; it is simply a ‘dream deferred’ which the author hopes someday will be realized.

Third Place ($500 prize): Alex Morris, age 18
Array of Partners Promotes Civil Rights at Ahl Ar-ra’y

Morris is a high school student who understands that he can contribute to the Middle East civil rights struggle, even from Dallas, Texas. While his enthusiasm sometimes leads to overreach, Morris grounds his vision by describing how young adults can build an international coalition to support civil rights reformers and by taking the initiative to create a website for the proposed campaign. His creative solution identifies inspiring rhetoric, specific causes, and organizing mechanisms that can unite young Americans and their Middle Eastern counterparts.
 

New York Times Article: Array of Partners Promotes Civil Rights at Ahl Ar-ra’y

DALLAS, April 1, 2010 - The call for civil rights reform in the Middle East has come from many voices. The voice being heard more and more often by leaders throughout the region is that of the organization Ahl Ar-ra’y (http://www.ahlarray.org). The name means “People of Opinion” in Arabic and generally refers to learned individuals who are consulted on Islamic matters. The People of Opinion whose voices matter to Ahl Ar-ra’y? Teenagers.

Since its inception four years ago today, Ahl Ar-ra’y has taken civil disobedience to a new level, fueled by technology, youthful exuberance and the desire to change the world. “What better place to find the technological comfort, the energy and the white hot ember of that desire than in teenagers?” asks Alex Morris, Ahl Ar-ra’y’s founder.

Inspired by classroom studies of the Greensboro sit-ins of the 1960’s, Morris put forth the idea of passive resistance in support of civil rights to organizations around the world, organizations with both a strong Internet presence and a focus on teens. The result is an Internet-coordinated organization of organizations, groups that have their own focuses but can, and do, bring together large numbers of protesters for civil rights. While Ahl Ar ra’y has the ability to provide flash mobs, most of the sit-in protests are arranged in advance as part of organized campaigns.

Over the last four years, Ahl Ar-ra’y has prompted dozens of simultaneous sit-in protests in cities around the world, garnering massive amounts of publicity for the causes it champions, and in the opinion of some, changing the world. “It may be sheer coincidence that within days or even hours of a sit-in, a regime’s representative will step up to a microphone and announce a major policy change. I think not,” says Sam Zarifi, Asia research director with Human Rights Watch.

Zarifi was referring to Ahl Ar-ra’y’s first major triumph. Three days after a 64 city worldwide sit-in, Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai rescinded his appointment of former Taliban official Arsala Rahmani to the parliament’s upper house, elating rights groups around the world. “Of course it had an influence,” says Zarifi. “The ground commitment of the United States and its allies was wavering. The support evidenced by the protest had a two-pronged effect: it forced a renewed ground commitment by the U.S. and it showed President Karzai the world was watching.”

The impact of the organization would seem unmistakable, but Morris is careful to point out that “Ahl Ar-ra’y is just a facilitator. I don’t really think it’s a coincidence that our name appears to contain the English word ‘array’. When you consider that, you get a better idea of what the group is all about; we’re an array of People of Opinion and we’re here to support Middle Eastern reformers. Ahl Ar-ra’y gives those reformers an outlet for worldwide protest and supports their efforts in country.”

The most startling impact is seen in those countries where punishment for dissent is swift and harsh. “It’s hard to generate publicity in a country where campaign signs are used for target practice by the opposition,” says a blogger from Iran. Indeed, in most of the region merely blogging was enough to elicit an arrest four years ago. Today, in the few countries where blogging is still dangerous, Ahl Ar-ra’y has offered a solution.

“The blog section of our website features entries from every country in the region,” says Morris. “In some instances, it’s safer to post here than on a server in their own country. It’s no different from protesters who join us online for sit-ins when a live sit-in would be too dangerous. In fact, we encourage everyone to experience an online sit-in. Watching live webcam feeds from dozens of protests occurring simultaneously around the world makes you realize how large and determined the effort is. We’re pretty sure the people we’re targeting are watching. You know that expression ‘The weight of the world is on your shoulders’? That’s how we want them to feel.”

Morris acknowledges that some sit-in protesters have been injured, and is thankful that there have been no fatalities. “Water cannon, pepper spray and rubber bullets have been seen as a small price to pay for the results we’ve had. We feel the very nature of our protests has prevented more aggressive means of dispersion. It’s hard to look like good guys to the world’s cameras when you’re attacking a peaceful, nonviolent, non-threatening group of people who are sitting on the ground.”

Each Ahl Ar-ra’y sit-in campaign is initiated by reformers who are in-country. After local planning is set, contact is made with the Ahl Ar-ra’y advisory board; the board approves the worldwide campaign and sets it in motion. The advisory board is the adult component in this teen-based organization, and is composed of directors of the various organizations which comprise Ahl Ar-ra’y.

Ahl Ar-ra’y’s campaigns cover the civil rights spectrum. One sit-in focused attention on Syria’s failure to support the UN investigation into the murder of Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri of Lebanon. Shortly after the protest, Syria’s government agreed to back the UN team’s inquiries. The government also reopened the country’s Damascus-based human rights center. Anwar Bunni, the prominent human rights lawyer who was reinstated as the center’s director, said: “We are grateful that the government has heard the voices of our friends around the world.”

Another campaign resulted in UN investigators being allowed into Iraqi Kurdistan to investigate the May, 2000 arrest and disappearance of Osman Ahmed Hussain, Karim Ahmad Mahmood and his three sons, Arslan, Asu and Makwan. Similarly, the Egyptian government agreed to UN participation in an investigation into the December, 2006 killings by Egyptian police of at least 27 Sudanese protesters.

Morris points out that some reforms were thought to be on the way at the time of the protests. Saudi Arabia, for instance, abolished the practice of death sentences for child offenders after a particularly large worldwide sit-in which included thousands of teen protesters in Riyadh. “It was particularly gratifying to see the size of the crowd in Riyadh,” says Morris. “As one of the world’s youngest countries with 75 percent of the population under the age of 30, the protesters were very representative of the population.”

“That’s what gives all of us at Ahl Ar-ra’y our greatest hope. Most of our organizers, staffers and protesters are teenagers or young adults. They have taken the present in their hands and molded it into a new future, a future that would have been much more difficult to achieve without them. We know this partnership they’ve forged with reformers in the Middle East is a partnership that will last into their adulthood and be bequeathed to the next generation.”

At his own mention of the “next generation,” Morris grows wistful and begins discussing Ahl Ar-ra’y’s genesis. He was 18 years old when the idea struck him in 2006. “High school graduation was seven weeks off. We went to school Friday morning, March 31, to find out that three of our friends had been killed the night before in a car crash. For a couple of weeks, I had been working on an essay on Middle Eastern civil rights for the ‘Dream Deferred Essay Contest’. As I watched classmates erect two makeshift crosses and the star and crescent at the crash site, it occurred to me that my friends’ dreams and those of their families had been deferred forever. I rewrote my paper that day.”

“Throughout the grieving process, we gathered not only in person, but online. It was the way we communicated. When I realized how dependent we were on the Internet to communicate our most important thoughts and feelings, it occurred to me that we held in our hands a way to both memorialize our friends and to affect changes around the world. Our friends have been gone four years now. I wish they were here with us to share what we’ve done, but I’m sure they’re watching, too.”

Third Place ($500 prize): Zeina Saab, age 22
Supporting the Heroes of the Middle East: An Act of Good Conscience

Saab takes readers inside the dynamics of civil rights repression in the Middle East, while affirming the vital role of outsiders in buoying reformers. She provides specific examples of how dictatorial regimes restrict free society, how the support of Americans has made a difference for repressed minority groups, and how American civil society can mobilize to make a positive impact. Though Saab’s treatment of the root causes of terrorism, as well as her critique of US foreign policy, are open for debate, her call for Americans to engage and take personal responsibility is undeniable.
 

Although it was a chilling, gut-wrenching scene, it was nonetheless, a reality. I had seen them, and they were real. Living in the graveyard of Cairo’s dead were hundreds of impoverished Egyptians, neglected by their fellow citizens, their government, and the international community. Their struggle to survive had become a humiliation, while their misery had become a tourist destination.

As I sit and remember this image from last February 2005, I wonder: For how much longer must millions of Arab citizens live in utter poverty, denied even their basic rights to protest against their destitution? For how much longer must they sit in the dark, ignorant of their inherent rights to equality and freedom? How can the world really plug its ears, shut its eyes, and turn its back on citizens of humanity struggling to extricate themselves from hardship, yet lacking the strength and awareness to do so?

As an Arab-American, I feel I have a duty to inform Americans of the reality in this region of the world, where citizens are powerless and voiceless, yet clearly crying out for help. I pay a tribute to the courageous civil rights leaders around the region who have stood their ground, faced charges, been harassed, denied their human rights, imprisoned, and sometimes even killed. However, these courageous activists are few and far between. It is truly unfortunate that after decades of oppression, we are only seeing slight signs of activity on the part of the larger Arab communities. For how long will this last?

My time spent studying abroad at the American University of Beirut last year truly made me realize the courage, strength, and determination of several leaders who sacrificed their lives for their country. They clearly understood the danger of their actions, yet they didn’t think twice about writing, voicing their opinion, and taking to the streets to demand justice. While Lebanon still has many steps to take to grant full civil rights to its citizens, it is at least a beacon of hope for the rest of the region.

It is clear to me that any human being, regardless of nationality, has a moral obligation to help the people of the Middle East. The current status quo, where authoritarian regimes, dictators, and monarchies rule without mercy and accountability is serving to aggravate the conditions of those in penury. Without employment, without an income to feed and clothe their children, and without a sustainable lifestyle, many of these people may find that their only option is to resort to extremist tactics – something both the governments of the Middle East and the United States are struggling to prevent. Yet, if the Middle Eastern regimes permitted the freedom of speech, assembly, and press, perhaps such a disposition to resort to violence would not be so powerful. The great Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote the following while in a Birmingham City Jail:

Even upon looking at those extremists throughout the Middle East who have carried out terrorist attacks against fellow Arabs and foreigners, it becomes evident that many seem to fit a certain profile. The attacks in recent years in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Egypt, and Morocco indicate that many of these individuals have come from poverty-stricken households and have resorted to such tactics because they have nothing to lose. Although I believe it is a moral obligation, it is still clearly in the interest of Americans to help civil rights reformers in the Middle East, as it is often Americans who are targeted in these attacks as well. If nothing is done, chances are that the conditions in the region will remain conducive and fertile for violence – the unfortunate result of suppression.

Interestingly, while the United States preaches that democracy must replace abusive regimes worldwide, it stops short of severely criticizing its allies in the Middle East, despite their records of repression. It is evident that the United States relies on these regimes to uphold its political and economic agendas, while these governments in return count on the United States for protection. Again, Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain are the major countries that have mutually-understood agreements that protect the interests of the United States as well as their own. It is largely because of this reason that they are able to carry out their repressive policies without facing serious repercussions. It thus seems to be clear that there must be a powerful force within the United States, carried out by activists intent on seeing democratization in the Middle East. If they work towards lobbying the United States government to reconsider its policies in the region, perhaps we will be one step closer towards liberating these Arab citizens.

This is obviously a massive project to undertake, but by gathering a committee of activists and professors who understand the dynamics behind repression and oppression in the Middle East, perhaps the government will begin to understand that in order to effectively decrease terrorism coming from the Arab world, it must put more pressure on these regimes to change. So far, the United States has been complicit and has in fact helped to deprive these citizens of their essential means of freedom. Again, as Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote, “Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber” – not the other way around.

A case study from Egypt is in fact quite striking, as various laws throughout the past several decades have been directed at reducing the effectiveness of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) by controlling their activities and mandating that they be registered with the government. It is important to know that although the Egyptian government receives among the highest amount of aid from the United States, much of its population remains in poverty. Thus, acknowledging this fact will help understand the following reality. In general, the main source of income of NGO directors in Egypt comes from the payment they receive for working within the organization, which mainly comes from scarce government grants. The threat that they encounter upon performing or undertaking activities that violate the Egyptian Civil Society Organization Laws therefore directly threaten their salary. Thus, these directors feel all the more obliged to submit to the government’s demands. As a result, in order to avoid losing their income, NGO personnel become increasingly willing to comply with the government, and thus, ultimately end up sacrificing the effectiveness of the NGO.

In addition, besides the threat of losing their main salary base, these directors and various members are lured to accept the government’s policies because of the rewards they receive upon agreeing to the laws. Indeed, the state has almost mastered the art of incentives, as it has tended to give out certain privileges to those willing to hand over a significant degree of autonomy. Upon examining the system of elections and project formulation within the organizations, it comes as no surprise that those organizations are virtually dominated by government personnel and politicians.

Clearly then, it seems logical to assume that such an increasing trend within Egyptian society in essence destroys the foundations of civil society, as freedom and liberty are compromised and sacrificed because of powerful incentives that appeal to a large majority of NGO and civil society leaders.  Yet, before judging, it must be recognized that because of the overwhelming poverty in Egypt, such an incentive of government grants becomes a plausible and dominant reason for why so many leaders, although insistent on improving their country, alas must succumb to the very forces that they are fighting to topple.

What role then can Americans play? There are various routes, of course, although complex. In any case, simply understanding the conditions of various activists in Egypt and elsewhere helps in realizing that often, lack of a sufficient salary prevents them from carrying on with their drive towards reform. Perhaps then a committee here in the U.S. can form a fund that provides a source of income for these activists in case they are stripped of their salaries. In this way, they can carry on with their actions without facing a threat of losing their income.

In addition, having Americans here work closely with the international media and human rights organizations will help illuminate the hardship that these activists are facing in the Middle East. This in fact can be quite powerful, and has, in the past, actually forced the Egyptian government to reverse its policies in terms of human and civil liberties. For example, the Coptic community is a minority religious group and has, at times, witnessed and endured harassment by various Egyptian authorities. At one point in the early 1990s, an Egyptian official threatened to close down a Coptic NGO, without citing valid reasons for the closure. Because the Coptic community has a strong support base in the United States, Canada, and Australia, it virtually succeeded in providing resonant threats to the Egyptian state. In an interview conducted by Maha Abdulrahman, a member of the organization, stated that:

This ostensibly successful mechanism of continuing the struggle against the state gives enough reason to believe that continuing such techniques may lead to even greater outcomes. Clearly, those organizations that have connections to the foreign media are thus able to publicize these events to the international community by disseminating information through various channels. This constitutes a dangerous thought for the Egyptian state, as it increasingly tries to suppress the publication of a negative image of itself. This in turn can apply to other cases around the Middle East. The idea of creating stronger connections between rights groups from the United States and those in the Middle East may ultimately prove to be a powerful mechanism for achieving much-needed change.

It is vital that Middle Easterners and Americans work together in order to demand justice for a deeply deprived region of the world. There is much I feel that they can learn from the civil rights movement in the South here in the United States. Indeed, not only black activists, but white allies also joined the movement, trying to rally support from their own communities in order to demand justice for the oppressed citizens of America.

In fact, one remarkable white woman by the name of Ann Braden, who passed away in March, signifies what a heart filled with a good conscience can do to help those deprived of their basic rights. Throughout the trials, the hardship, the accusations, and the attacks against her and her husband, she remained steadfast and did not waver in her determination to end racism. America today honors her for her sacrifice and for allying with a group in desperate need of support, while most Americans had shunned morality and instead conformed to the attitudes of those around them. This itself serves as a significant and resonating signal that unless we rally more Americans in the fight for justice in the Middle East, maybe decades down the line our children and grandchildren will feel ashamed that we too turned a blind eye on the neglected citizens of humanity solemnly dwelling in the graveyards of despair.

Third Place ($500 prize): Ceclia Scott, age 18
Taking the Front Seat in Saudi Arabia

One day in 1990 a group of Saudi Arabian women drove through the streets of Riyadh. While policemen quickly crushed their fledgling protest, this essay dreams about reinvigorating the drivers’ cause and explores how to launch a civil rights campaign under a repressive regime. Though Scott’s reference to “my followers” may evoke a 'Lawrence of Arabia' image, the essay challenges readers to consider how American activists can make an impact on the ground. In the end, her coalition scores only a modest victory, a reminder of the absurdity of civil rights restrictions – and of how much remains to be achieved.
 

I am a woman living in Saudi Arabia. And I can drive to and from work. Of course, I am a white American, which renders the previous fact insignificant. The rules sometimes bend for outsiders. But I don't believe in bending the rules for a few, when they should be broken for everyone. So when I say I can drive in Saudi Arabia, I am encompassing every single Saudi woman, Muslim, Christian, Arab, Caucasian, into that statement. Still not impressed? Perhaps you do not understand how things used to be.

Saudi Arabian women used to have only a few, meager rights, because the Saudi royal family followed a stricter interpretation of Sharia, or Islamic law. The basis of this interpretation was gender segregation. Women could not attend classes with men, had limited career opportunities – because certain occupations necessitated close contact with men – and could not easily divorce their husbands. The government supposedly established these laws to protect women from impurity, but sexual abuse towards women thrived because of the lack of consequences. Women drivers were virtually nonexistent in Saudi Arabia, because men claimed driving could be a gateway for adultery.

That was the world I lived in for several years, as a liberal, idealistic teenager. Having petroleum engineers for parents, I hopped back and forth from Indonesia, Alaska, and Texas in my youth. By the time I arrived in Saudi Arabia, I was jaded. I refused to speak Arabic, I scoffed at the Islamic faith, and I detested men for suppressing women and women for submitting to the suppression.

I went off to college, and everything changed. I learned how to read and write Arabic, and then, I became acquainted with some of the future faces of my campaign. They were smart, brave women willing to take chances for greater freedom. In hushed tones, the Saudi women told me of the driving incident in 1990, in which forty-seven women drove around Riyadh, the Saudi capital, for fifteen minutes, after which the muttawa – the Saudi morality police – arrested them. These women were stripped of their passports and jobs for two years, after which they were unable to get promotions. At first I did not understand why those women would do so little for such a large price. I saw the hope in my narrators' kohl-rimmed eyes, and I began to see. Standing up for one's rights did not guarantee anything, except a sense of integrity and promise.

The first stage of my campaign was recruitment. I traveled across the country, seeking out women willing to die for my cause – driving rights for women – willing to live for it, or even willing to consider it. I hit all the universities first because communication was easier in classrooms filled with women, with one male teacher present at most. Some of the women laughed at my words, others scolded me, and everyone seemed afraid. But I stayed in each area for at least two or three days, and during that time period, various prospects came forward. I told them we most likely would gain nothing, that there was a great chance a handful or all of us would be severely punished for our actions, but also that there was a small chance we could better women's position in Saudi Arabia. When my potential followers looked me straight in the eye and said the Arabic version of "So what?", I knew my mission had taken off.

The next step involved spreading the ideas behind my cause. Interaction was difficult, of course, because we could never go anywhere without a male escort. But we devised special methods of communication. The brightest women caught on to sign language, while others became expert at passing ‘notes’ overflowing with revolutionary ideas and ideals. We pretended to recite texts while whispering to each other. I bought dozens of feminist and revolutionary works translated into Arabic during visits to the U.S. – The Feminine Mystique, works by Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and others – and smuggled them into Saudi women's jihabs – the infamous black robes covering everything but eyes. How ironic, that a sign of suppression served as a medium for civil rights.

I wanted to strike immediately after I had found my protesters, but the time didn't seem right. While waiting for a sign, I made my own, with others' help. We drew cars, streets, women driving the cars, men sitting beside the women drivers, cars filled with women only, anything we could think of to get our desire across, on scraps of wood and paper. We wanted to drive, because if we could, maybe other rights would follow. I thought of a catchy slogan, "Dare to Drive," although the Arabic translation was not so alliterative. My thoughts were becoming words. Now they had to turn to actions.

After years of building up women's confidence and ardor for my cause throughout Saudi Arabia and managing to dodge the muttawa at the same time, I received the "go" sign I had been waiting for. Previously, I had had a handful of men on my side, but none so bold as Mohamed al-Zulfa. Mr. al-Zulfa served on the national majlis al-shura, or consultative council. And he was my man. In the winter of 2005, he became outraged when he discovered that one million foreigners were being paid to drive Saudi women around. He criticized the ban on female driving as costly and hypocritical, as men with no relations at all to the women were allowed to drive them around. The media went wild with the story, even though the majlis al-shura quickly dismissed al-Zulfa's complaints. The stage was set for my protest.

I forged alliances with other women's civil rights groups, namely, "Sunday club," led by the great activist Hatoon al-Fassi, in preparation for my big day. She supported female driving, stating that it reflected the level of responsibility given to women. I sought her out and presented my idea to her. I explained that I supported Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr., in terms of their non-violent protests. She agreed to participate in the protest, and said that she would rally her troops, too.

I set the date for November 6, 2006, to commemorate the women's protest on the driving ban in 1990. This was the plan. But first, some background. The Muslim tradition requires daily activity to freeze five times a day, so that Muslims can turn toward the holiest Muslim city, Mecca, and pray. All business halts, people pull out their prayer rugs, and they pray while prostrated on the ground. So I decided that across the country, in all the major cities, we protesters would start marching five minutes before the midday prayer. When the prayer time came, we would prostrate on the ground, with everyone else, so that they would realize that we were not denouncing Islam as a whole, simply a particular section of this nation's interpretation of it. Then, we would get up and continue marching. If and when the muttawa came to seize us, we would prostrate ourselves on the ground and start reciting traditional Muslim prayers. I hoped that this would help us avoid arrest, or at least give the muttawa reason to think about it and the by-standers reason to sympathize with our cause. We would not stop marching, except during prayer time, until the muttawa forcibly stopped us.

In the month before the protest, I visited every single community I had riled into inner civil rebellion months earlier. When I told my followers the plan, they tried to hide their fear, but I could see them visibly trembling. I wanted to assure them that my plan was flawless and nothing could go wrong, but I knew that so much was at risk. So I simply told them that on November 6t, regardless of whether or not they protested, I would be keeping them in my prayers. Shaking, they hugged me good-bye, perhaps for the last time.

The morning of the 6th, I woke up with a sick feeling. I met my main supporters at a local market in Ridayh. The foreign drivers helped that part go smoothly, because they didn't ask questions. I subtly organized the women in tiers, based on their communication abilities. I whispered softly to the women in the front, who had the sharpest hearing, while signing to those who could do sign language. The women in the two first tiers wrote down what I said and passed it back to the women in the back, who could read best. I tried my best to rally them behind my cause, to get them pumped for this march. They lightened up when I passed out the silly signs we had made so long ago. They laughed at their depictions of themselves and their devil drivers. The time passed slowly.

Finally, the time was five minutes before midday prayer. We held hands and prayed. We were already causing a scene. People were turning and staring as they walked to lunch. I started marching, chanting “Dare to drive! We want rights!” in Arabic, and to my great relief, my followers actually followed me.  Everyone around us was frozen in shock. The more people stared at us, the more energized we became. I think one woman even revealed her face, in her ecstasy. Just as quickly as it had started, it temporarily stopped. We prostrated ourselves on the road and prayed with the huge mass of non-protesters. I couldn’t wait to get up and continue marching. And we did. There were hundreds of us, so the muttawa seemed confused about what to do. When they did move toward us, just I had instructed, we all kneeled and prayed. The muttawa looked around at the observers and stepped back. Our numbers increased as other women, and even some men joined in the march. I felt like we had won, just because the muttawa were not stopping us.

The next day, the ancient monarch, King Abdullah, who had recently been sympathizing with women’s rights advocates, declared a reversal of the ban on women driving. Apparently, women all over Saudi Arabia had followed my instructions and marched in the cities, without stopping except for prayer. We had done it. Women could now drive, but still only with a male relative accompanying them. Since then, my protesters have continued to cry out for their rights. The rule about male relative escorts in regards to women driving has been lifted, and now women can interact with unrelated males in certain circumstances. The gains seem small compared to the years it took to get them, but every right gained is a step in the right direction. And I’m going to see each of them through to the end.

S. M., 16, Iowa - In the World of Women Aged 8

As a small, bowl cut-sporting, self-declared tomboy of an eight year old, I could not have felt less like a woman.  But here I was, being told I could not enter the Tehran soccer stadium for being just that. I was at the stadium with my dad, brother, and cousins in one of our bi-annual trips to cheer on Esteghlal in a match against Persepolis.  As a kid, I always looked forward to this tradition, when my family and I would approach the stadium and prepare for two hours of soccer, complete with clever chants from a too-passionate audience and the excitement-induced violence that almost inevitably followed.  

For an avid soccer fan with a penchant for watching over-enthused fans go at it, this was my equivalent of paradise and was always well worth the two-year wait.  But that year, as we approached the stands in our usual blue attire, I was grabbed and pulled aside by a guard who was yelling at us to leave; yelling that women were not allowed.  After quickly looking around to see who he was talking about, it suddenly occurred to me that I was the offending “woman” in question. Although the 500 tomans my uncle paid the guard suspended my evolution to womanhood for the next two hours, I knew that this would be my last time at the stadium. To someone so young, this disappointment could not pass unnoticed. As the confusion and subsequent anger wore off, I began to understand in degrees what my mother and every other Iranian woman had to deal with on a daily basis.  With that realization, the nature of my trips to Iran had altered completely—according to the bearded guard at the stadium, I would return a woman.
    
Every other summer I spend a few weeks in Iran where my parents lived until just before the revolution, where my cousins and grand-parents still live, and where I developed many of my first ideas about the world outside my home in small-town Iowa.  But of all these trips, the one illustrated above has secured itself in my memory as being not only the most confusing, but the most influential on my life.  

As someone well-accustomed to the laws and lifestyles in Tehran, I had seen the affect of the government’s role in everyday life, but for the first time, I was being forced to not only acknowledge it, but to actually understand it.  I was being told in plain language that if I wanted to know anything about the lives of Iranians, I had to understand a lot more than what appears at face value; I would have to understand that there is the government and there are the people, appearing as two separate entities.  That in Iran, laws are not to be messed with, until you are inside your house with the door closed. And most importantly, I had to understand that what might be said or done in the streets is reflective only of what the government wants their people to say or do. And that day at the stadium, I understood.  But my re-education was not complete.

On our return from Tehran that same summer, we stopped in Amsterdam for a few days and the contrast between the two cities was not lost on me.  Within hours we had traveled from complete repression to one of the most tolerant societies on Earth and even I, at age 8, could not help noticing the difference.  The most marked contrast was the relationship between the people and the government.  In Iran, it was the government pressing their intolerant views on the people, many of whom had no interest in being pressed.  In Holland, it was individual extremists attempting to make the liberal government adopt their repressive ideology.  The contrast between these polar opposites advanced the lesson I had begun two weeks earlier at the Tehran stadium; I was beginning to understand the importance of freedom and the bitter affect of repression, concepts that had once seemed obvious to me…


Saira Ahmad, 16, Virginia – My Rights, Your Rights

As I walk down the packed hallway in my school, I see many different nationalities intermingling. I see one water fountain that is used by everyone of every color. I walk down the hall and compare this scene to one that I might find if I were living in the 1960s. There would be two water fountains, one that is broken and labeled “colored” and another that is perfect and labeled “white.” There would not be people of many different nationalities.

Our lives today were shaped by those who stood up and fought for what they deserved. They could not have done this without the support of their people; not only their own people, but also those who lived far away, tuned into the news, and wished to help. In 1961 the Freedom Riders boarded a bus1; a group of people from all walks of life headed south to help the activists. They worked with their southern counterparts to make a difference in everyone’s lives. Now as activists struggle for human rights and the freedom of expression in the Middle East, we are capable of doing the same. Americans working together with the civil rights reformers in the Middle East will create awareness and help the reformers further their cause…

 Americans are able to help in many ways – from letting the reformers know they are willing to help, to taking part in the actual protests and demonstrations. Let’s look at some of our options. We have the opportunity to create organizations or school clubs, write encouraging letters to the activists, communicate the problem through the television or a radio station, or create a newsletter. Creating a school club would allow students to get involved and create even more awareness. They could invite speakers to their school or come up with other innovative ideas in getting the student body involved. We also have the ability to write letters to newspapers in regarding the activists and reforms in the Middle East. Eventually, we could create a newsletter and work our way up to making appearances on television or on radio stations. Even writing letters to the activists and reformers will help in encouraging the activists and letting them know they have our support…

 It is with the help of Americans and other outsiders that the activists in the Middle East will triumph. Just as the Freedom Riders helped out in the South during the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, those that are not from the Middle East should also take a step forward in order to help the activists in the Middle East. Just as there is a fountain available for everyone to drink from in our schools and public places today, there should be human rights available for everyone to benefit from – no matter where they are.


Allison Welton, 13, Washington – Kairos: The Decisive Moment
We all have power. In varied amounts, to be sure, but we all have some amount of power that we can impact others with. Using that power the best way is another question. I’m here to propose a campaign young Americans could lead to fight for civil rights in the Middle East.

The campaign, called KAIROS, from the Greek word for the time when conditions are right for a decisive action, could start in small community groups, like school clubs or youth organizations.  These chapters could raise funds to donate to relief groups, like the Red Cross or Medecins Sans Frontieres.  They could do bake sales, car washes, craft sales, or various other moneymaking ventures. In a high school club situation, KAIROS members could obtain permission from principals to teach younger students about KAIROS; what it is, what the civil rights fight is all about, and, most importantly, what a concerned citizen can do to help.

Once a dozen or so chapters were formed, KAIROS could be united under a head group.  That head could send a newsletter to every member- within that newsletter, there could be all sorts of articles, news reports, and interviews.  Also, there could be the web sites of a few related Internet petitions for each member to sign.  Internet petitions are very, very useful tools.  They take virtually no time, and impact the people with the most power to do something.  In other civil rights movements, like the 1960s equality movement, there was no such easy, quick way of making one’s voice heard.  If 1000 KAIROS members sent in petitions, the recipients would have to notice.  

Podcasts are another rapidly growing Internet tool that we are some of the first activists to have access to.  These homemade radio shows are broadcast across America, giving millions of people access to them.  If KAIROS created a pod cast including interviews with activists, news reports on the situation, and the pod cast was well publicized, Americans would potentially notice the pod cast, and become aware of how much help is needed for everyone to have rights.

Once even more chapters form, bigger and better things are possible.  All the raised funds from the individual chapters could be sent to the central headquarters, where they could give it to the most active and needy organizations, or put it toward specific projects.  One such project could be writing books about the fight for civil rights in the Middle East.  One book could be all about successful civil rights activists, like Martin Luther King, Ghandi, or Nelson Mandela.  This could be distributed through adult organizations actually in the Middle East to inspire the people.  Also, the Handbook for Bloggers and Cyber Dissidents could also be distributed alongside.  Speaking of blogs, that’s another helpful technological advance.  They teach the American public what life is truly like for Middle Easterners much more effectively, as it’s from a first hand point of view, versus a sugarcoated ‘happily ever after’ version…

My dreams for KAIROS could be realized with a bit of effort.  If a few teens like me speak up and use our voices, so many things are possible.  For it is kairos now; the decisive moment.  Now is the moment to stand up and fight for what is right.


Nathan Gazzetta, 22, Nebraska – MERG Claims Victory in Human Rights Campaign

The following article is an excerpt from the Washington Post: July 19th, 2010:

MERG Claims Victory in Human Rights Campaign

RABAT, Morocco (AP) – The Middle East Reconciliation Group (MERG) took to the streets of the capital today, claiming a tremendous victory in their search for full and uncensored disclosure of official government records regarding hundreds of disappeared and politically imprisoned persons.  

Waving flags, singing songs, and even bringing makeshift memorials to dead and missing family members, people of all ages came forth to celebrate the end of over a decade of official silence.

MERG was formed in 2006 as a joint effort between Moroccan university students and their American counterparts during an intercultural exchange program taking place in both countries.  

Following suit of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission which began its hearings in December, 2004 to publicly discuss human rights abuses that occurred under the reign of the late King Hassan II, MERG has spent the last four years pressuring the Moroccan government to take this newfound sense of openness to the next level by disclosing similar abuses that have occurred since King Hassan's death in 1999.

The driving force of the MERG can be summed up in its one word slogan, "Truth".  

"It has been the goal of this organization from day one to pressure the governments of the Middle East to publicly disclose information concerning human rights violations," says Abdulziz Al Rashidia, co-founder of MERG.  "Only then, can people begin to accept what has happened in the past and move our nation forward."

King Mohammed IV has agreed to commence a series of public hearings, to begin late next month, in which the government will disclose the names and whereabouts of citizens who have either disappeared in the hands of the secret police, or are imprisoned for political reasons, including hundreds of political dissidents from the long disputed Western Sahara territory; the majority of whom will be eligible for a royal pardon.   

"It is amazing, I think," says Farah Hakim.  "Never have we seen a leader take such bold steps to right the wrongs of his own regime.  I think that in time, the people of Morocco will forgive him and embrace him as a great leader."

Others are not so optimistic.  "Yes, I think it is good that King Mohammed IV can admit his own wrongdoing, but when he does so he makes himself very vulnerable.  Maybe there are some people in the government who will now wish to overthrow him and impose the censorship and tyranny as it was before," states Karim Abdulhamid.   "Then what have we won?"

King Mohammed IV has guaranteed that all government agents, from advisors and members of parliament all the way down to police officers, will be granted full amnesty in return for cooperating with the investigation- a move that some see as an insurance policy against internal rebellion.

But amid the uncertainties the majority of the country is engulfed in a state of euphoria.  "At last," says Nagette Bina'ud, carrying a framed picture of her missing husband, "my children and I will know the truth.  I never could have imagined that writing letters and making websites could be so strong."

Modeled after the success of Amnesty International's letter writing campaigns, branches of MERG, which have sprung up on college campuses across the United States, conclude every meeting by hand writing letters to Middle Eastern leaders asking for reconciliation.  "It's just a matter of letting those leaders know that yes, we are aware of what is going on and it needs to stop," says co-founder Eric Cartwright.  

American chapters of MERG also hold on-campus events such as banquets, film shows and panel discussions to raise money for their cause, expand their membership, and keep the public aware of human rights abuses throughout the Middle East.

"We work the reverse angle too, calling and writing to Senators and members of Congress about these issues, asking them to put pressure on their colleagues in Middle Eastern governments.  That way we can send pressure from the top down as well," says Mr. Cartwright.

MERG chapters based in the Middle East tend to operate a bit more discretely out of safety concerns for their members.  "At first, we did not have public meetings or write to our government officials like the Americans do," says Abdulziz Al Rashidia, "but through the miracle of technology, we were still able to have a very effective start."

MERG hosts a plethora of online forums, in both English and Arabic, where members and interested citizens can go to anonymously discuss issues and concerns without fear of reprisal.  "We've found some brilliant web designers in the universities here," continues Mr. Al Rashidia, "it really allows everyone to come together and work on these problems.  Everyone has something to contribute."

Perhaps the greatest advantage of the MERG's online forums is that the governments under discussion are aware, sometimes painfully so.  

"Having this online, anonymous forum is like having an underground movement of some kind, but it is still in plain sight.  They can actually watch it grow," says Mr. Al Rashidia.  "Then they realize that they must take action before they lose control."

"The gradual buildup of activity in the forums gave us a strong enough base that the government knew it could not take action against us.  The news would spread fast and I think that the people would not stand for it," says MERG member Mohammed Ibrahim.

Early last year the MERG went out on a limb, holding its first public meeting in the capital city, Rabat.  

"We felt confident in the size and strength of our organization, and we were careful to do it in a very non-violent and non-threatening way," says Mr. Ibrahim.  "They were brave, the ones who went to the first meeting not knowing what would happen, but when all went peacefully and the police did not come, that is when we knew that this was really an achievable goal."

Spurred on by its success in Morocco, the MERG's membership is rapidly expanding; throughout the Middle East, the United States, and even a few chapters have popped up in Western Europe.  

"It is a global struggle, one that affects all of us," says MERG member, Katherine Ingalls, "and all that must occur to win is for good people around the world to come together and demand to see change, and I am proud to say that MERG has made this possible."


Rachael Baldwin, 19, Oklahoma – Kifaya

July 11, 2003 - torn clothes stained with blood mark a broken body, with skin laid atop crushed bones, covered in bruises, evidence of a violent rape, missing fingernails, and the skull fracture that killed her - this is what Iranian photographer Zahra Kazemi-Ahmadabadi looked like when she died…

Zahra Kazemi was slain because of the Iranian government’s assumption that she was taking pictures of the outside of a prison. The fact that this made them so uneasy only shows that they have something they are keeping secret. Outsiders of the Iranian prison can only make assumptions as to the horrific conditions prisoners are kept under. Americans need to stand up for the activists who are murdered by government officials by insisting that the murderers, along with the governments who support them, are stripped of their power and punished for their actions…

These Middle Eastern governments do not want other countries to interfere with their affairs, not because they care about their people, but because they do not want to lose power. Influenced by pressure from the United States and other nations, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak decides to hold a multi-party referendum in 2005. Many Egyptians believe President Mubarak consented to the referendum to create the appearance of reform, thus diverting foreign attention. On May 25, 2005, police officers surrounded the Journalists' Syndicate building in Cairo, Egypt where anti-Mubarak groups, women's rights activists, and journalists gathered to peacefully protest the corrupt referendum. According to an article in the Washington Post, the police officers stepped back and allowed officials of President Hosni Mubarak's National Democratic Party to lead hundreds of young men to attack the demonstrators and especially target the women…

I am not at all suggesting that women are the only people attacked; many brave men are also beaten and killed because they support women's rights. It is clear, though, that governments in these countries are controlled by men who condemn women's rights, so women are taken advantage of by the people who are supposed to protect them. A report from Arab Freedom Watch states that the Egyptian Attorney General decided to “dismiss the case made by female journalists” even though the journalists “presented 15 accused names, witnesses, and pictures.”

Ali is one of the harassed journalists and while taking pictures of “her supporters” across the street from the court she “overheard a policeman murmuring: ‘this is the journalist who was beaten up, and she will be beaten up again.’” The most inconceivable thing about this situation is that two of the accused men were not punished - they were promoted to higher government positions. Because of the courts failure to stand up for the women of Egypt, many police officers will remain corrupt and many more men and women will be abused…


Amanda Setoudeh, 17, Lousiana – Why Americans Should Help the Voices of the Middle East Become Heard

“I have something to say” – a simple sentence, a few uttered words, yet it is something I can freely say without fear of persecution. Then, just a short plane ride over the Atlantic Ocean there are students just like me who can only think of these words as a penniless child would longingly stare into the window of a candy shop. For some people the very idea of freedom of speech is a far away dream, and without outside help it would be much harder to achieve.

This poses the question: “Why are the rights I have in America any different from someone my age in a Middle Eastern country?” I have spent a good portion of my life looking past  the fact that I can chose to associate myself with which ever political affiliation that I wish to, or say what ever crosses my mind in public. These same things that I have looked past in my life are the some of the same rights that people in the Middle East still don’t have today…

I can recall sitting with my father and his cousin, both of which were born and raised in various parts of Iran, as they were nearly brought to tears as they read together a list of college students who were brutally shot down after participating in a protest that wanted change in their government. These changes for which their lives came to an end are the same civil liberties we as Americans have on a daily basis.   

These very rights,which are being denied to millions of people across the Middle East at this very moment, are rights that we as human beings are born with. The amount of civil liberties that we are allowed should not be determined by the country in which we live, but should be something that should be present across the world…


Sareena Dallah, 25, Virginia – A Proposal for Free Speech in the Middle East

As an American journalist with CNN, I often remark on how fortunate I am to work in a country that ensures and protects the freedom of the press. It is a privilege many Americans overlook, but one that is critical for a free, democratic society.  In the post September 11th world, American perceptions and attitudes towards the Middle East have changed considerably. From the unceasing war in Iraq, to the anger incited by the cartoon controversy, to the role of women in Middle Eastern society, a divide – a mutual incomprehension – is revealed between Islam and the West.  

I propose a plan for promoting and defending civil rights in the Middle East with three components.  First, Middle Easterners need to be given an uncensored and secure forum in which to congregate.  Second, international and domestic media need to unify in an attempt to vocalize and support the goals of civil liberties.  Third, understanding and desire for civil liberties must be catalyzed from within through education and funding.

Inform People
With the changing landscape of technology, and its effect on multi-media, the world, for the first time, is seeing a clearer image of the once unknown Middle East. Instantaneous information exchange has altered the way the media covers and reacts to all forms of news. Unquestionably, the most significant change is the blogging revolution. Without formal training and using inexpensive equipment, bloggers –individuals who publish their thoughts on the internet – have shaken up the global mainstream media. Visuals and opinions once censored by traditional media are transmitted, often live, for global audiences to react.

For example, in the United States, blogging played a significant role in the 2004 political season. The “under-dog,” Howard Dean, made extensive use of the Internet, pioneering techniques such as organizing online real-world meetings, online forums, online donations and distribution of political talking points. By using the Internet, Dean was able to build his own online network of supporters, the majority of which were young people. Despite his loss, Dean’s role in 2004 was crucial; he was able to revive an apathetic generation of younger voters while bringing his healthcare agenda to a national platform.

Many regimes have taken note of the influence of blogs in the socio-political world, making blogging a criminal offense. In February 2005, Iranian authorities clamped down on the growing popularity of blogs, restricting access to major blogging sites from within Iran. Iranian writer Mohamad Reza Nasab Abdohlahi published an open letter to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on his blog and faced six months in jail and hefty fines. When his pregnant wife wrote about the incident on her own blog, she too was taken to prison. Outraged, other bloggers commented on the arrest; they were in turn imprisoned. One such blogger, Arash Sigarchi, received a 14-year sentence on charges of spying and aiding foreign counter-revolutionaries.

Ironically, in an attempt to silence freedom of expression, the resolve of bloggers around the world was strengthened. With so many eyes, the blogosphere reacted quickly to breaking news. An online protest campaign began, orchestrated by the Committee to Protect Bloggers. The campaign symbolized the fight to protect online journalists and, on a far-reaching media platform, focused attention on the absence of civil liberties in Iran.

Given the events in Iran, I can leverage my freedoms to develop an effective information campaign by creating a website where Middle Eastern journalists can anonymously report from within their countries and voice their thoughts freely. This website can publish and repost thoughts of journalists, have open discussions and educate a global audience. By protecting Middle Eastern journalists with an independently run site, an online forum would advance the call towards civil rights by creating a safe haven to share information. The more accurate information the project can disperse, the more effective the mobilization campaign.

Mobilize Action
In order to support the struggle for Civil Rights in the Middle East, reviewing American’s own record of civil rights is necessary. In many cases, the sacrifices of a few individuals, propagated through society by mainstream media, eventually shaped the greater good for race relations in the U.S.   

During the 1960s, civil rights reformers, Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks mobilized people through campaigns of non-violence. Both King and Parks used niche communities to voice their thoughts and build a base. King spoke from the pulpit and Parks spoke through her refusal to change her seat on a public bus. Both messages were loud and clear and resonated with both white and black Americans eager for change.  By setting an example of hope, reconciliation and gentle protest, a network of supporters gradually formed and gained momentum…

As a journalist, the coverage in New Orleans made me reevaluate the power of the press and its ability to force people to think, respond and demand answers. Consequently, I think a key ingredient in my civil rights campaign is to require support from the international and domestic media to commit to reporting in the region. Once a protected website is established for Middle Eastern journalists, it would be critical to do enterprise reporting and follow up on civil rights abuses. By furthering stories that promote civil rights, domestically and in the Middle East, stories can resonate and have lasting meaning and influence. If allowed to stretch my editorial muscle, these are the stories I would promote.

Implement Change
Ultimately, the fight for civil rights must begin within each respective country. However, as Americans, we can give future leaders the tools to begin this fight. Once information can be distributed, the second phase of a civil rights campaign is to mobilize people and garner support. As a future graduate student at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, I believe American Universities are the most receptive venues to begin an international civil rights campaign. The strong international student body at Harvard could align globally by offering scholarships to Middle Eastern students domestically and in regional campuses. By targeting young people, and providing them a western education, future leaders will gain a better understanding of democratic governments and the value of civil rights.

There is no quick fix solution to establishing civil rights in the Middle East. However, equipped with an open forum to voice ideas, a supportive media system echoing those ideas and the tools of education and financial support, Middle Eastern leaders will find themselves in a better situation. In order for the change to be lasting, it may be a gradual process, but the attitude shift will ultimately change the vibe on the Arab Street. For Middle Easterners to share in civil rights, Middle Easterners need to unify internally and build a coalition that will put pressure on authoritarian regimes.


Azad Molla Hosseini, 17, Arizona – The Power of Words, Unity and a Just Cause

How can one truly discuss the struggles and pains experienced by those living in the Middle East who are subjects of hate, persecution, and the fear of living? How can one write an essay describing the needs for those whose dreams have been deferred?  Such a task is nearly impossible, however, it must be done, because for those who are living in lands where personal freedoms are not granted they do not have the luxury to express these things, without consequence.  Therefore, it is my task and that of all proud Middle Easterners who have been blessed with these freedoms to speak for those who do not have a voice.

For those of us who have the ability to speak our minds or write whatever we please without the fear of repercussions, we often forget or don’t realize how powerful words can be. Words are the most important tools in revolution, because words lead to ideas. Oppressive governments can silence their people, however, they can never rid the world of ideas.  As I sit writing this essay on “How can you as an individual support the struggle for civil rights in the Middle East?” I am doing just that. These words will be read, my ideas will be expressed, and hopefully they will inspire the reader to take up even greater actions in aiding reformers, this is what it means to be a revolutionist.  I am not the only one, since hundreds of other Middle Eastern sympathizers are doing the same, and the more ideas being expressed the greater potential for change.


D. F., 24, California – The Middle East Needs Reform

…I was born in Iran as a Baha’i, a religion that originated in Iran less than 200 years ago. We are banned from the country to practice our faith and there have been drastic measures to ensure that we don’t. My family escaped the country shortly after the revolution in Iran around 1984. We are religious refugees but this repression is not limited to religion. Many Muslims have escaped as political refugees for simply denying the fundamentalist ways of the now Islamic Republic of Iran. Extremists who are using violence and dictatorship in the name of Islam overthrew our country.

Although this revolution happened only over 20 years ago in Iran, the same fundamentalist practices take place among many other Middle Eastern countries, including but not limited to Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iraq. In light of current events, a man recently was taken to prison to be killed in Afghanistan for returning after 13 years after being converted to Christianity. He was sentenced to death for apostasy but escaped after being released for insanity. With the help of the United States government this man has now sought asylum abroad. This is an injustice that should not be ignored anymore, in Afghanistan, Iraq, or any country implementing such cruel and inhumane regulations.


K. L., 17, Connecticut – Tell Everyone

…Though most Algerians speak French as a second language, many in the diaspora in France, England or Canada also know English. Many Algerians abroad are students and these are the ones from whom I have received feedback. These are the future leaders of Algeria, those who are given money by the government to study abroad with the expectation that they will return home and improve their country. I have received emails from Algerians telling me that I am saying things that they have wanted to say their whole lives, or that I have articulated feelings that they could not. Through writing I have been able to inform Algerians of what it is like to live in the West, what it means to be a citizen here, of abuses of their Revolution and so on.

Most important is the emphasis that I put upon the power of the individual. Individuals are the most powerful actors in history. Through historical, and news analysis I emphasize this.

If I were to continue writing, not just on my blog but elsewhere as well, in newspapers, books, magazines the whole bit, I would accomplish two things. First I would awaken Americans to the corruption, history, stagnation and progress of not only Algerian democracy but democracy in the Middle East as a whole. Writing about the excesses of one Middle Eastern regime, but ignoring its wider context accomplishes little, and so I also write about other issues. The main topic that I have been able to place in context has been the idea of ethnic and religious nationalism in North Africa and the Middle East and its cancerous impact over the whole region. In this respect, Algeria is but a case study, with its long standing oppression of its Amazigh minority (to whom I belong) and its treatment of women after independence.

My plan to support the struggle for democratic change in the Middle East is simple. Draw as much attention to it as possible. Write about it. Speak on it. I have no problem whatsoever telling those who are not aware of Arab or Iranian opposition movements to read my blog or the blog of Syrian dissident Ammar Abdulhamid or the Egyptian bloggers Big Pharaoh or Egyptian Sandmonkey. There is no excuse for those who are aware of injustice to keep it to themselves, walk away, look the other way, or to perpetuate it. There are Arabs who do not dance in the street when children die for Allah. There are Iranians who know the Holocaust occurred. It enrages me when Americans, Frenchmen, or any other sort ask “Where are the moderate Muslims/Arabs/Middle Easterners?” or “Why do not the Arabs speak out against terrorism?” Arabs do, Iranians do, Muslims do. Since their voices are so muted by blabbermouth commentators in the West and similarly bombastically talkative and intolerant national executives, there must be a way for Arabs and Muslims that think outside of the Arab nationalist/Islamist box to express themselves…

It is often remembered that until Americans saw on TV, their black countrymen and women being hosed down with water cannons in the streets, children being beaten with batons and attacked by police dogs they did not understand the gravity of the civil rights situation in the South. Consequently, many were moved to take action on a much more personal level. If I and a team of journalists, artists and the like joined forces to create a documentary, perhaps along the lines of Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 911, the American people would feel this same connection with the people of the Middle East. However, in our film, Arabs  (and Middle Easterners) would not be simply a wealthy source of problems in American foreign policy, but rather an actual group of human beings, suffering just as much as anyone else. They would have depth, emotions, dreams, and, above all, human attributes. Rather than typical image of region of camel riding Ay-rabs, Middle Easterners would be presented in a human fashion, from the little man’s perspective. The regimes of the region would be presented as the Armenian-Lebanese-American rock group System of A Down once described youth in an intolerant police state in their song “Deer Dance” pushing the weak around, a” peaceful loving youth against a brutality,” with the regimes “Pushing little children, with their fully automatics” for “They like to push the weak around…”